{"id":775,"date":"2026-04-08T14:57:46","date_gmt":"2026-04-08T14:57:46","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/?p=775"},"modified":"2026-04-23T17:56:45","modified_gmt":"2026-04-23T17:56:45","slug":"sandikta-paralel-hikayeler-macaristan-ve-turkiyede-muhalefetin-yenilgisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/2026\/04\/08\/sandikta-paralel-hikayeler-macaristan-ve-turkiyede-muhalefetin-yenilgisi\/","title":{"rendered":"Sand\u0131kta paralel hik\u00e2yeler: Macaristan ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de muhalefetin yenilgisi"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>Macaristan ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son y\u0131llarda ya\u015fanan se\u00e7im s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, muhalefet ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131n iktidar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir s\u0131nav verdi\u011fini g\u00f6steren iki \u00f6nemli \u00f6rnek olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. 2022\u2019de Macaristan\u2019da yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde Viktor Orb\u00e1n liderli\u011findeki Fidesz-KDNP koalisyonu, \u00fcst \u00fcste d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc kez iktidar\u0131 kazanarak 135 sandalye elde etti. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k&nbsp;<strong>&#8220;Demokratik Koalisyon, Jobbik, Momentum, MSZP, LMP ve PM&#8221;<\/strong>&nbsp;gibi farkl\u0131 ideolojik \u00e7izgilerden gelen partilerin birle\u015fmesiyle kurulan&nbsp;<strong>Birle\u015fik Muhalefet (Herkes \u0130\u00e7in Macaristan Hareketi)<\/strong>, P\u00e9ter M\u00e1rki-Zay\u2019\u0131n ba\u015fbakan adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda %34\u201335 oy alarak 57 sandalye kazanabildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu sonu\u00e7, Orb\u00e1n\u2019\u0131n medya g\u00fcc\u00fc ve se\u00e7im sistemindeki avantajlar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda muhalefetin birle\u015fmesine ra\u011fmen iktidar\u0131 deviremedi\u011fini ortaya koydu. Se\u00e7im sonras\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te ittifak fiilen da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131; partiler kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00e7izgilerine d\u00f6nd\u00fc ve muhalefet yeniden par\u00e7al\u0131 hale geldi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde benzer bir tablo ya\u015fand\u0131. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda CHP, \u0130Y\u0130 Parti, Saadet, Demokrat Parti, DEVA ve Gelecek Partisi\u2019nin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu&nbsp;<strong>6\u2019l\u0131 Masa<\/strong>, ortak aday olarak Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019nu belirledi. \u0130ttifak, parlamenter sisteme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f ve demokratik reformlar vaat etti. Ancak ilk turda Erdo\u011fan %49,5, K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu %44,9 oy ald\u0131; se\u00e7im ikinci tura kald\u0131. 28 May\u0131s 2023\u2019te yap\u0131lan ikinci turda Erdo\u011fan %52,18 oyla yeniden Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ildi. Milletvekili se\u00e7imlerinde de Cumhur \u0130ttifak\u0131 323 sandalye ile Meclis \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu korudu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>B\u00f6ylece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de muhalefet ittifak\u0131, Macaristan\u2019daki \u00f6rne\u011fe benzer \u015fekilde iktidar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmekte ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z oldu. Se\u00e7im sonras\u0131 6\u2019l\u0131 Masa\u2019n\u0131n birlikteli\u011fi zay\u0131flad\u0131 ve ittifak da\u011f\u0131lma s\u00fcrecine girdi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ittifak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131, Macaristan\u2019da merkezile\u015fme<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Her iki \u00fclkede de muhalefet ittifaklar\u0131, farkl\u0131 ideolojileri bir araya getirerek iktidar\u0131 zorlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc liderlik, medya kontrol\u00fc, se\u00e7im sistemindeki avantajlar ve kampanya s\u00fcrecindeki stratejik \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fckler nedeniyle iktidar partileri \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fcklerini korudu. Bu durum, muhalefet ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca birle\u015fmenin yeterli olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ortak vizyon, etkili liderlik ve se\u00e7menle daha derin ba\u011f kurma ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koydu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Macaristan ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki muhalefet deneyimleri, gelece\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fck stratejiler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan dikkat \u00e7ekici paralellikler bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. Macaristan\u2019da 2022 se\u00e7imlerinde ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olan Birle\u015fik Muhalefet\u2019in da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, yeni bir siyasi akt\u00f6r olarak&nbsp;<strong>Tisza Partisi<\/strong>&nbsp;ve lideri&nbsp;<strong>P\u00e9ter Magyar<\/strong>&nbsp;\u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Magyar, Orb\u00e1n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda muhalefeti yeniden toparlama iddias\u0131yla yolsuzlukla m\u00fccadele, dar gelirli kesimlere vergi indirimi ve Avrupa Birli\u011fi ile uyumlu politikalar gibi somut vaatler ortaya koyuyor. Tisza Partisi\u2019nin stratejisi, ideolojik \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi bir araya getirmekten ziyade, daha net bir liderlik ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir merkez etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fmeyi hedefliyor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, 2022\u2019deki da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k muhalefet deneyiminden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan derslerin bir sonucu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Ayr\u0131ca Orb\u00e1n\u2019\u0131n medya g\u00fcc\u00fc ve se\u00e7im sistemindeki avantajlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, daha do\u011frudan halkla temas ve sosyal medya \u00fczerinden g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir kampanya y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi planlan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Baz\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019\u0131n Fidesz\u2019inin h\u00e2l\u00e2 g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylerken, di\u011ferleri P\u00e9ter Magyar\u2019\u0131n liderli\u011findeki Tisza\u2019n\u0131n \u00fclkenin siyasi dengelerini alt\u00fcst edecek bir y\u00fckseli\u015f yakalad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Bu tablo, se\u00e7ime do\u011fru ilerleyen Macaristan\u2019da hem belirsizli\u011fi hem de de\u011fi\u015fim ihtimalini b\u00fcy\u00fct\u00fcyor. Macaristan\u2019da bahar yakla\u015f\u0131rken, siyasi hava hi\u00e7 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar yo\u011fun. Sokaklarda, televizyon ekranlar\u0131nda, sosyal medyada tek bir soru dola\u015f\u0131yor:&nbsp;<strong>\u201cBu kez ger\u00e7ekten de\u011fi\u015fim olur mu?\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu sorunun cevab\u0131, farkl\u0131 ara\u015ft\u0131rma \u015firketlerinin yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anketlerde sakl\u0131. Ancak bu anketler, tek bir ortak noktada bulu\u015fuyor:&nbsp;<strong>\u00dclke tarihinde belki de ilk kez, iktidar ile muhalefet aras\u0131ndaki makas bu kadar tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Macaristan\u2019da sand\u0131k \u00f6ncesi anket sava\u015f\u0131<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p>Pro\u2011h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00e7izgisiyle bilinen N\u00e9z\u0151pont Institute\u2019un 16\u201317 Mart\u2019ta yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 telefon anketi, se\u00e7im atmosferine bamba\u015fka bir pencere a\u00e7\u0131yor. Bu ankete g\u00f6re:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Fidesz\u2013KDNP: %46<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Tisza: %40<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu sonu\u00e7lar, Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019\u0131n partisinin h\u00e2l\u00e2&nbsp;<strong>6 puan \u00f6nde<\/strong>&nbsp;oldu\u011funu&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/dailynewshungary.com\/poll-breaks-trend-orban-fidesz-clear-lead\/?utm_source\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\">iddia ediyor<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>PolitPro\u2019nun 31 Mart 2026 tarihli g\u00fcncel e\u011filim ortalamas\u0131 ise bamba\u015fka bir tablo \u00e7iziyor:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>TISZA: %47.8<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Fidesz: %40.5<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>MH: %5.7<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>DK: %2.8<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>MKKP: %2.8**<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>Son 30 g\u00fcnde Tisza\u2019n\u0131n&nbsp;<strong>+1.3 puan<\/strong>&nbsp;y\u00fckseldi\u011fi, MKKP\u2019nin ise&nbsp;<strong>-0.6 puan<\/strong>&nbsp;geriledi\u011fi&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/politpro.eu\/en\/hungary?utm_source\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\">g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Farkl\u0131 anketlerin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 ortalamas\u0131n\u0131 sunan POLITICO\u2019ya g\u00f6re tablo daha da \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131:<\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Tisza: %52<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Fidesz: %37<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>MH: %4<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>MKKP: %2<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>DK: %1**<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu sonu\u00e7lar, Tisza\u2019n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca \u00f6nde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131,&nbsp;<strong>a\u00e7\u0131k ara \u00f6nde<\/strong>&nbsp;oldu\u011funu&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/europe-poll-of-polls\/hungary\/?utm_source\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\">g\u00f6steriyor<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Euronews\u2019in 19 \u015eubat tarihli analizine g\u00f6re Macaristan\u2019daki anketler, ara\u015ft\u0131rma \u015firketine g\u00f6re tamamen farkl\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar veriyor. Baz\u0131 anketlerde&nbsp;<strong>Tisza \u00f6nde<\/strong>, baz\u0131lar\u0131nda ise&nbsp;<strong>Fidesz rahat bir farkla&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.euronews.com\/2026\/02\/19\/hungarian-polls-split-on-april-election-outcome-as-fidesz-and-tisza-trade-leads\" rel=\"noreferrer noopener\" target=\"_blank\">\u00f6nde<\/a><\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde 6\u2019l\u0131 Masa\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonras\u0131 muhalefet yeniden strateji aray\u0131\u015f\u0131na girdi. CHP\u2019nin liderlik tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, \u0130Y\u0130 Parti\u2019nin ittifaktan uzakla\u015fmas\u0131 ve di\u011fer k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck partilerin etkisinin s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmas\u0131, muhalefetin par\u00e7al\u0131 yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koydu. Gelece\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fck stratejilerde, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de muhalefetin \u00f6n\u00fcnde iki se\u00e7enek \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: ya yeniden geni\u015f bir ittifak kurarak ortak aday etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fmek, ya da Macaristan\u2019daki Tisza Partisi \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir liderlik ve net bir vizyon etraf\u0131nda toparlanmak. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ekonomik kriz, y\u00fcksek enflasyon ve demokratikle\u015fme talepleri, muhalefetin kampanya g\u00fcndeminde belirleyici olacak. Ancak 2023 se\u00e7imlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, yaln\u0131zca birle\u015fmek yeterli de\u011fil; se\u00e7menle daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ba\u011f kurmak ve iktidar\u0131n medya \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc dengelemek gerekiyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Macaristan\u2019daki Tisza Partisi\u2019nin stratejisi daha merkeziyet\u00e7i ve lider odakl\u0131 bir muhalefet modeli sunarken, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki muhalefet h\u00e2l\u00e2 geni\u015f tabanl\u0131 ittifak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda. Macaristan\u2019da muhalefet, ge\u00e7mi\u015fteki da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fmak i\u00e7in tek bir g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc fig\u00fcr etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise farkl\u0131 ideolojilerin ortak zeminde bulu\u015fmas\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 bir konu. Her iki \u00fclkede de muhalefetin gelecekteki ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131, yaln\u0131zca se\u00e7im ittifaklar\u0131yla de\u011fil, se\u00e7menle kurulan g\u00fcven ili\u015fkisi ve iktidar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc propaganda ara\u00e7lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 alternatif ileti\u015fim kanallar\u0131 geli\u015ftirmekle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacak.<\/p>\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-image\">\n<figure class=\"aligncenter size-full\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"761\" height=\"230\" src=\"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/tablo1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-776\" srcset=\"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/tablo1.jpeg 761w, https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/04\/tablo1-300x91.jpeg 300w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 761px) 100vw, 761px\" \/><\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki s\u00fcre\u00e7te Macaristan 12 Nisan 2026\u2019da yeniden sand\u0131\u011fa gidecek. Bu se\u00e7imlerde Orb\u00e1n\u2019\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yeni bir akt\u00f6r olarak P\u00e9ter Magyar ve Tisza Partisi \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. P\u00e9ter Magyar, Macaristan\u2019daki muhalefetin yeni lideri olarak 2026 se\u00e7imleri i\u00e7in adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u00a0<strong>2024 y\u0131l\u0131 sonunda<\/strong>\u00a0kamuoyuna duyurdu. \u00d6zellikle\u00a0<strong>29 Aral\u0131k 2024\u2019te<\/strong>\u00a0Avrupa Parlamentosu\u2019nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamada, Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 gelecek se\u00e7imlerde aday olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise 2023 se\u00e7imleri sonras\u0131 muhalefetin yeniden nas\u0131l bir strateji geli\u015ftirece\u011fi merak konusu olurken, \u0130stanbul B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcreci T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 2023 se\u00e7imleri \u00f6ncesinde g\u00fcndeme geldi. \u00d6zellikle&nbsp;<strong>4 \u015eubat 2023<\/strong>&nbsp;tarihi, \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Adayl\u0131k zamanlamas\u0131n\u0131n etkisinden midir bilinmez, Macaristan\u2019da bir \u00f6nceki se\u00e7imlere nazaran muhalefetin lider etraf\u0131nda olu\u015fturdu\u011fu strateji ve zamanlama T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hen\u00fcz 2023 se\u00e7imleri bile yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015fken, Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu adayken Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndeme gelmesi, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde T\u00fcrkiye muhalefetinin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu bask\u0131 ve i\u00e7 kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n sebepleri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\">T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinde tarihe ge\u00e7ecek bir d\u00f6nem<\/h2>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Ak\u015fener,<\/strong>&nbsp;muhalefetin ortak aday belirleme s\u00fcrecinde farkl\u0131 isimlerin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcreci zorla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtirken,&nbsp;<strong>CHP i\u00e7indeki baz\u0131 y\u00f6neticiler,<\/strong>&nbsp;Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu\u2019nun adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemde yap\u0131lmas\u0131 \u201czamanlama hatas\u0131\u201d olarak yorumland\u0131.&nbsp;<strong>\u00dcstelik bat\u0131 medyas\u0131nda<\/strong>&nbsp;da \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131n zamanlamas\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Erdo\u011fan kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda muhalefetin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir ortak aday \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi vurgulan\u0131rken, \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bu s\u00fcreci karma\u015f\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirtildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Daha sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7te ise CHP i\u00e7inde tart\u0131\u015fmalar ya\u015fand\u0131; ancak \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun ad\u0131 uzun s\u00fcre muhalefetin alternatif adaylar\u0131ndan biri olarak g\u00fcndemde kald\u0131. Resmi olarak CHP\u2019nin cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 aday\u0131 Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu olsa da \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun bu \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 muhalefet taban\u0131nda farkl\u0131 beklentiler yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin siyasi g\u00fcndemi,&nbsp;<strong>23 Mart 2025<\/strong>&nbsp;g\u00fcn\u00fc ya\u015fanan tutuklama ile sars\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130stanbul B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 ve CHP\u2019nin Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 aday\u0131 Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu, se\u00e7imlere \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131l kala, iktidar\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc rakibi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcrken cezaevine g\u00f6nderildi. Bu tarih, muhalefet i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca bir kay\u0131p de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda gelece\u011fe dair belirsizliklerin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 oldu. \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019na y\u00f6neltilen su\u00e7lamalar, kamuoyunda b\u00fcy\u00fck tart\u0131\u015fmalara yol a\u00e7t\u0131. \u0130haleye fesat kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma, r\u00fc\u015fvet ve siyasal casusluk gibi a\u011f\u0131r iddialar, muhalefet taraf\u0131ndan \u201csiyasi operasyon\u201d olarak nitelendirildi. Ancak iktidar cephesi, bu davalar\u0131 \u201chukukun gere\u011fi\u201d olarak savundu. B\u00f6ylece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de&nbsp;<strong>hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve yarg\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/strong>&nbsp;tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 yeniden alevlendi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>\u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun tutuklanmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, CHP\u2019li belediye ba\u015fkanlar\u0131n\u0131n da pe\u015f pe\u015fe g\u00f6zalt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve tutuklanmalar\u0131, muhalefetin sahadaki g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc zay\u0131flatt\u0131. Yerel y\u00f6netimlerde halk\u0131n g\u00fcvenini kazanm\u0131\u015f isimlerin bir anda devre d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131, muhalefetin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme kapasitesini ciddi bi\u00e7imde daraltt\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Bu geli\u015fmeler, muhalefetin 2028 se\u00e7imlerine nas\u0131l haz\u0131rlanaca\u011f\u0131 sorusunu daha da karma\u015f\u0131k hale getirdi. Bir yanda yeni liderlik aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131, di\u011fer yanda mevcut kadrolar\u0131n dayan\u0131\u015fma \u00e7abalar\u0131\u2026 Ancak kesin olan \u015fu:&nbsp;<strong>T\u00fcrkiye, 2028 se\u00e7imlerine do\u011fru ilerlerken muhalefetin yol haritas\u0131 h\u00e2l\u00e2 muamma.<\/strong>&nbsp;\u0130ktidar\u0131n hamleleriyle g\u00fc\u00e7lenen bask\u0131 ortam\u0131 ve muhalefetin i\u00e7indeki aray\u0131\u015flar, T\u00fcrkiye siyasetinde tarihe ge\u00e7ecek bir d\u00f6nemin hik\u00e2yesini yaz\u0131yor. \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun tutuklanmas\u0131, yaln\u0131zca bir liderin de\u011fil, bir siyasi hareketin gelece\u011fini de \u015fekillendiren olaylardan biri olarak kayda ge\u00e7ti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>12 Nisan 2026 y\u0131l\u0131nda Macaristan\u2019da se\u00e7imler var. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bilinen se\u00e7im tarihi 2028 y\u0131l\u0131 olsa da Macaristan gerek sosyolojik, gerek toplumsal, gerekse siyasi anlamda T\u00fcrkiye ile paralel hareket eden bir davran\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imine sahip gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Zira d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ka\u00e7 \u00fclkesinde 1 y\u0131l arayla yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde, 2 farkl\u0131 \u00fclkede, 2 farkl\u0131 6\u2019l\u0131 masa muhalefeti kurulur ve kaybedebilirdi ki\u2026 Haliyle bu ba\u011flamda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de se\u00e7imlerin 2027 y\u0131l\u0131nda olmas\u0131 da kuvvetle muhtemel g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u015fler tabi Macaristan\u2019da oldu\u011fundan \u00e7ok daha karma\u015f\u0131k bir durumda. CHP\u2019nin Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 aday\u0131 ve \u0130stanbul B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Ekrem \u0130mamo\u011flu\u2019nun diplomas\u0131 iptal edilmi\u015f, kendisi cezaevine hapsedilmi\u015f durumda. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde ne CHP\u2019nin ne de muhalefetin hen\u00fcz netle\u015fmi\u015f, halk kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulan alternatif bir aday\u0131 yok gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor. \u00dcstelik muhalefet partileri i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015fanan krizler ise cabas\u0131.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Belki de 12 Nisan 2026 y\u0131l\u0131nda Macaristan\u2019da se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 nas\u0131l sonu\u00e7lan\u0131rsa, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki muhalefet partileri de o sonu\u00e7tan ders alarak eksik yap\u0131lanlar\u0131 ve sonu\u00e7 ile paralel bir \u015fekilde do\u011fru yap\u0131lanlar\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de uygularsa, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanacak se\u00e7imin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirme yolunda ciddi bir ihtimal bar\u0131nd\u0131rabilme potansiyelini yakalayabilirler.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Ancak Macaristan ve T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6rnekleri, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f siyasette muhalefet ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131n iktidar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zorluklar\u0131 ve benzerlikleri g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne seriyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Dijital Medya Ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 Derne\u011fi taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen bu i\u00e7erik ilk olarak&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/kisadalga.net\/haber\/ozel-haber\/sandikta-paralel-hikayeler-macaristan-ve-turkiyede-muhalefetin-yenilgisi-137177\">K\u0131sa Dalga<\/a>&#8216;da yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/strong><br><br><br><br><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Macaristan ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son y\u0131llarda ya\u015fanan se\u00e7im s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, muhalefet ittifaklar\u0131n\u0131n iktidar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir s\u0131nav verdi\u011fini g\u00f6steren iki \u00f6nemli \u00f6rnek olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. 2022\u2019de Macaristan\u2019da yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde Viktor Orb\u00e1n liderli\u011findeki Fidesz-KDNP koalisyonu, \u00fcst \u00fcste d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc kez iktidar\u0131 kazanarak 135 sandalye elde etti. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k&nbsp;&#8220;Demokratik Koalisyon, Jobbik, Momentum, MSZP, LMP ve PM&#8221;&nbsp;gibi farkl\u0131 ideolojik \u00e7izgilerden gelen [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":13,"featured_media":781,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[6],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-775","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-arastirmaci-gazetecilik"],"amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/775","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/13"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=775"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/775\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":782,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/775\/revisions\/782"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/781"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=775"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=775"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/newslabturkey.org\/sojo\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=775"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}